Sunday, June 22, 2008

Last word...?

This could be the last word, unless someone else writes after me.  I wanted to say that this course was great!  We had some very informative lectures and met fascinating people.  That aside, the most valuable part of the course was the people we were with day in and day out.  I am sure we will be seeing each other in the future.    Good luck everyone!

Thursday, June 19, 2008

A little song to remember the trip by...

By Zachary Kineke

(To the tune of "Lola" by the Kinks)

You'll find it in a country called Qatar
where you won't get shot but you'll get hit by a car, oh, my Doha, D-O-H-A Doha
Where some people are rich, and some others are mean,
and the other half is coming from the Phillipines to my Doha, D-O-H-A Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha

Where the sun is hot, and the air's really dry,
and you can walk if you want, but you're going to fry, in my Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha
Well I'm not dumb but I can't understand
Why the Olympics would be held inside this hot, hot land
Oh my Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha

It don't help much if you speak Arabic,
cause with Urdu and Bengali, here it ain't worth a frick.
The hotel bars can be a bit hard to find,
and if you wear your sandals you'll get kicked out of line.

Well, I'm not the world's most classy guy,
but when I don't get in a bar I get a little bit mad at my
Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha
Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha

We got on the bus
We picked up the girls
We stopped at the mall
And always were late
But think of all those free meals we ate-

And that's the way that I want it to stay
So I can eat at once what I'd eat in a day in my Doha
Do, do, do, do, Doha
Life might suck when the curfew's at eight,
but at least you don't miss much cause night life's not so great in my Doha
Do, do, do, do, Doha

Well, we'd left Cairo just a week before
and the city seemed like just a bit of a bore
And first impressions, they are right, you know,
Besides the driving, life in Doha is pretty slow.

Well it's not the world's most exciting space
But in my heart, there will always be a hot dusty place
For my Doha
Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha
Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha, Do, do, do, do, Doha

Admin note - for those of you who aren't familiar with the original song by The Kinks, here it is:

Democracy

By Olfa Tantawi

Democracy, in the words of Abraham Lincoln, is a government "of the people, by the people, and for the people."

Qatar is one place where this is evident. It is widely known that the Amir Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, assumed power in 1995 when, as heir apparent, he ousted his father, Amir Khalifa bin Hamad al-Thani, in a bloodless coup. This notion of a coup is a Western perspective. Since, a bloodless coup in a tribal context means an overwhelming consent of a need to change the leadership and a wide approval for the new nominee or heir to ascend to power.

In Western democracies presidents are not elected because they have sound foreign policies, rather it is the economy and the promise of wealth that gets them to office. So when the per capita income in a country is around $94,000, who needs elections or votes? This is an oil based style of democracy.

Meanwhile, democracy in the United States is as bright as the shining sun of Arizona or Florida. Human rights are protected. Freedom of expression is cherished. In such a free world, the free media act as the guardians of society providing information for the people to make crucial decisions.

However, the free media is also a business that often chooses - with a free will - not to tell or at least minimize all news that might upset their audiences. It is said that readers or television viewers, with their own free will, thanks to their tiny remote control, are shutting their eyes, ears and minds when the news is anything that is not of local concern.

A misinformed democracy can result in the loss of thousands of young American men and women based on a threat of some weapons of mass destruction that did not exist. It can lead to the election of presidents with bad policies and economic strategies that cost the people their jobs and homes.

Within every democracy it seems there is tyranny of some sort. Is it the tyranny of the individual whose concern with his very own interests blinds him/her to the wider context and the real threats? Or is it the tyranny of the businesses that create needs to be satisfied and a worldview for sale?

What is democracy really? Is it an Amir’s will to distribute wealth among his subjects and to build a modern state? Or is it a people’s will to have a say and to decide their own children’s destiny?

Wednesday, June 18, 2008

Anti-Israeli? Please, Act Constructively (AIPAC)

By Zachary Kineke
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

Could you pick a more controversial topic to write a book about than the Israel lobby in the US? It's an organization that plays by the rules while using every trick in the book to make sure it gets its voice heard; an organization fighting for a foreign country while arguably doing more harm than good when it succeeds.

The talk given on the book The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy by Dr. John Mearsheimer and Dr. Stephen Walt discussed those points well while also addressing the harmful lack of two-sided debate on the subject in the US (a two-sided debate that is carried on quite thoroughly among columnists and politicians in Israel) and the American system and beliefs that provide a fertile ground upon which lobbies like AIPAC can sow their agenda.

Politically, the pair made clear that since Jimmy Carter, it has been the policy of American presidents to oppose settlement building because of its hindrance to a two-state solution. While saying that the two presidents that have done the most for peace there were Carter and George H. W. Bush, they also pointed out that American presidents have refused or been unable to exercise the considerable leverage the US could wield against Israel to stop this settlement building because of, among other things, pressure put on them by AIPAC. When the President can go in front of the Knesset and set off on a religiously-based half-hour funfest like this speech, and a man Arabs call "Uncle Obama" could say this in front of AIPAC, how would Israel ever believe that the US would try to stop them from doing whatever they want to do in the occupied territories?

Obama's mention brings up a very interesting point made by the authors during the speech in respose to a question from the audience. When asked what the future would hold in this situation with a new American president on the horizon, they first responded that it couldn't possibly get any worse than the one we have now (which was followed by the first of many, many applause breaks). They then answered that it would be John McCain, not Obama, who would be better for holding the Israel lobby back and working for a stoppage of settlement. Yes, that McCain.

It was a bit shocking to hear this personally- I was in Israel only weeks ago and engaged in numerous political debates with the Israelis who stayed in and ran the hotel in which I was put up. Besides hearing, "George Bush is the best president Israel has ever had!" (they can have him) and "I hope you got to work for Fox News- they are the only fair and balanced news channel in America," (the motto makes it true) I also was lectured on why Obama was the worst thing that could happen to Israel. "We wouldn't vote for him," one said, "because America shouldn't have a Muslim president." Never mind that Obama's biggest problem this campaign has been an angry pastor. But hearing that Obama would be Israel's best friend, because of AIPAC's attention to and pressure on him, was strange- but very plausible.

As with any book, and a talk regarding it, there were small exaggerations and omissions. There was a lot of talk about the power of the Israel lobby without much talk about the American opinions that already coincide with what they want to do. As well, statistics they gave about Americans, especially ones that said a majority find Israel and Hezbollah equally responsible for the 2006 war, seemed rather implausible. The pessimism of the talk was realistic, but a bit of a downer nonetheless. Still, the talk made important points for the most part backed up with strong evidence.

When you get together a group of people on such a controversial topic, it's pretty likely you're going to have a bit of a heated Q&A. The debate here was no exception. Moderator Mehran Kamrava set down three rules: questions not comments, keep it brief, and one question at a time. These three were broken with the very first question, from the Israeli ambassador no less, and set the stage for a session the audience used to make their own points in front of the TV cameras. Kamrava might have let a few people, notably Hassan al-Jaafari, everyone's favorite "man of peace," ramble on too long, but he did a good job of spreading questions throughout the audience while hitting the important ambassadors as well. And Mearshimer and Walt were composed and intelligent in their answers, whether I agreed with them or not.

Looking for any optimism in the speeches was tough, but an answer near the end gave some hope. The authors talked about the change in American media rhetoric between Israel's 50th anniversary and now- specifically, the use of the word nakba (catastrophe) and the acknowledgement that the celebration for Israel parallels a tragedy for Palestine. And, of course, there was a reference to this clip on the Daily Show with Jon Stewart.



They asked, and I agree: would that have been on the air even five years ago?

Tuesday, June 17, 2008

Re: American Express

By Sarah Wali

I am an Egyptian. I am an American. I have lived on both sides of the world, and am aware of the differences. In the States I’m treated like an Arab who doesn’t understand the American culture. In Egypt, I am treated like an American who doesn’t get what it is to be an Arab. As a result I have learned what it means to respect culture, and the importance of attempting to understand the situation I am placed in.

The American students at the Bootcamp have been treated differently on this side of the world. The color of their skin and language they speak makes them stand out from others. As a result, there are different expectations and sometimes different rules. This, in my view, doesn’t imply “arrogance” or an indication that “flash (ing) your white skin” will get you what you want, as Stephen Dockery put in his blog entry American Express.

I can understand Dockery’s point. However, the situation at the hotel that he and the other non-Egyptians were staying in has been misunderstood. They were housed at the Cosmopolitan Hotel located in downtown Cairo. The Cosmopolitan has rules and policies that must be followed. One of the rules is that non-guests, regardless of nationality, cannot go upstairs.

This presented a problem for the Egyptian students. We had each been paired up with an American student to work on a project. The day was packed with lectures and interviews and, at times, the most convenient place to work was at the hotel. In the beginning we went up without security noticing. When they did notice, they stopped me, and explained the policy. I was told anyone who was not registered with the hotel could not go up to the rooms. I spoke to security and the concierge and explained the situation. After a ten minute discussion, I was given permission to come and go from the hotel, as long as they had a photocopy of my identification. I happened to have my American passport with me. They took a copy, and I was registered, thereby able to come and go as I needed to.

I didn’t flash anything, blue or white. I merely talked to the people at the front desk, in Arabic. At the end of the day, this is what we are dealing with - people with different rules and ideas than what the Americans might be used to. Sometimes, when it is appropriate, we may be able to change someone’s mind. At the Cosmopolitan, it was appropriate.

The American students may argue that, beyond the incident at the hotel, the color of their skin got them preferential treatment. I agree. You are an American, and a guest in the Middle East. This is a region of the world where guests are treated differently, simply because there is an awareness that their norms are different, and they should not be held at the same standard that local people are held at.

We see this in Egypt, and even more in Qatar. The girls and I wear shorter skirts, while the Qatari students are dressed in black abayas (long robes) and scarves. No one says anything to us, or reprimands us for our dress code. We are held at different standards because this is our norm. Expectations are different, and as a result of the onslaught of Western ideas and culture in the region, this is understood.

For this and other reasons, political and economic, foreign visitors are not treated the same as other students. I can understand that it is frustrating to come here and want to assimilate with the culture to learn as much as possible, and not be able to. Yet I ask Dockery, if you went to China or Japan, where you look and speak very differently, would they treat you as a national? Would you gain the full Far East experience? Or would you feel the same as you do here? You can not expect people to treat you the same, when you aren’t. This, in my view, isn’t arrogance. It is recognition of differences.

Monday, June 16, 2008

Controversial Sheikh Says The West Has Moral Crises

By Lisa Munger
Photos by Ebony Williams & Jasmin Bauomy

Egyptian Sheikh Yousef al-Qaradawi isn’t allowed to enter the United States, but Bootcampers, including 12 Americans, held court with the Muslim cleric Monday at Qatar University in Doha.

Among his remarks in a lecture entitled, “Perspectives on Islam and Arab Society,” Qaradawi said the West has a number of moral crises that foment conflict with the Arab world.

He said a lack of values and church-going, materialism, discrimination and homosexuality disgrace the West and denigrate its position in global politics.

He did not, however, attribute the same crises to the Arab world.

“The Arab world has a scarcity of moral crises,” Qaradawi said through a translator to a group of about 50 attendees, including bootcampers. “Religious and spiritual values don’t exist in the West as they do here.”

Qaradawi said the Arab world suffers from financial corruption, falsified democracies and a lack of transparency in government.

He did not list morality among the obstacles to improving Arab-American or East-West relations.

“We have a few bad guys,” he said. “But, here, we have family values and virtues not present in the West.”

Qaradawi has drawn criticism from American officials for his support of Palestinian attacks on Israeli targets, including suicide bombings and violence against civilians. U.S. officials regard him as sympathetic to terrorist groups on the U.S. “terrorist watch list.” Because of these stances, he’s not allowed to enter the country.

He is also well-known as the originator of http://www.islamonline.com/. Qaradawi uses the website to issue fatwas, religious edicts and comment on Islam.

Reporter’s Note:

I traveled to Qatar and Egypt for Bootcamp from Lincoln, Neb., where I attend graduate school in my home state. Nebraska is what some people call a “drive-through state,” meaning just that – you drive through it on your way to somewhere else - no one ever really stops. It’s also a conservative state that re-elected George W. Bush in 2004 by 70 percent. Cows outnumber people 4 to 1.

Nebraska was on my mind today at Qaradawi’s lecture. How would people at home have responded to his remarks and gesticulations? How would I have written a story about his lecture in my capacity as a reporter for my local newspaper, to add proper context and foster understanding?

Qaradawi’s response to my question about the Arab world and the West, as described in the post above, left me cold. Though I may not agree, I understand how Americans might be frightened by his rhetoric, especially after the national trauma of 9/11. My suspicion is Qaradawi’s remarks today, and response to my question, would confirm some Nebraskans’ stereotypes about a Muslim cleric disallowed from entering the U.S.

This isn’t because Nebraskans, or Americans in general, are “backwards,” (as Qaradawi said some people label Arabs) – it’s because in a super-fast world of 24-hour news, lessening space on international news pages, and fewer staff reporters abroad, the nuance which once might have provided a context for understanding Qaradawi and his comments might be more likely today to produce a headline like: “Terrorist-Sympathizer Addresses Students.”

I left the lecture more pessimistic than ever about the chances for achieving greater understanding between the Arab world and the West. I told my Egyptian Bootcamp reporting partner how I felt.

She said, not everyone is like this man… I know, I said. But, where I am from, this man, his vitriol and sweeping generalizations of the West would not only anger people, it would frighten them.

Asking Statements

By Stephen Dockery

It seems like politics and frustration simmers just bellow peoples personalities and conversations here.

When someone’s given a chance to speak their mind, whether in taxi or interview, they seize it.
So many of the questions I’ve seen at our interviews (from people outside our program) turn out to be five minute statements, rather than actual questions.

People aren’t particularly interested in adding to the discussion or putting forward a question of accountability. Rather they take the time to say things that are not particularly extreme or unusual, they just want to talk and to be heard in a region where its difficult to do either.

Saturday, June 14, 2008

Kebab and Curry

By Sarah Wali

In the midst of this development flurry,

A clash between kebab and curry.

Cash in one hand used for power

Giving small wages by the hour

Buildings rising from the desert’s midst

Islands give landownership a new twist.

Labor used, at times abused

Exit visas sometimes refused

Qatari national development

Ex-pats’ attempted adjustment

More than a million here to create

Something similar to Kuwait

A piece of advice for those who rule

Your laborer is no fool.

He sees your extravagant style

And may be thinking all the while

“Why should I be true to them

From where should this connection stem?

I work all day and sleep at night

My normal life is just not right.

I want my children next to me,

playing, and eating candy.

I miss my spouse in my bed

I can’t shake that feeling from my head.”

And from this longing for a life

You will create a deeper strife

Perhaps now you should worry

About a clash between kebab and curry.

A Question of Defining Modernity

By Yousef Gamal El Din

To travel to Qatar after being away from the Gulf for three years was exciting to say the least. There were bound to be similarities to neighboring Saudi Arabia, a country where I had spent roughly 18 years of my life. Amidst the impressive construction of luxurious hotels and business towers lies the question of defining modernity for a country that has opened its borders to business.

Anthony Gidden suggests that modernity is defined by Western conception of democracy, free-market economy and popular participation. The ethnocentric nature of this definition is problematic, and other scholars argue that modernity is simply using a given social system as a measurement standard to compare to other social systems. Dirkheim’s conception of the modernization theory, in tandem with the views promulgated by Giddens later on, perceives Western modernity as a development solution for all countries around the world. The lack of consideration for context has in turn led to further revisions of the theory.

The pressures imposed on countries from Western understandings of modernity are extensive. With a strong emphasis on personal gratification, hedonism and pleasant escapism in popular culture, indigenous Arab movements in the Middle East are at risk of losing out in what Samuel Huntington coins as the inevitable clash of civilization. This feeling of loss and interference is a sensitive issue to many people in the Arab world and hence often a source of tension. The task of maintaining an identity, to be seen as the primary responsibility of the state, is far from easy, especially with the overdependence on using wealth to "purchase" development with a Western-centric focus.

In any case, it will be fascinating to see how the people of Qatar find the balance.

Friday, June 13, 2008

Fallible News

By Jeanette Der Bedrosian
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

The Bootcamp’s trip to Al-Jazeera yesterday went in an entirely different direction from our visit to EgyptTV.

Students sauntered out of the compound shaking hands with the tour guide and holding contact information—and hope—for the prospect of finding a position within the news brand. There was no feeling of hostility or fear of security coming to escort us from the premises, but rather a deeper understanding of both Al-Jazeera’s motives and the opinions of its management.

These two concepts, students discovered, are not always in line.

Scott Ferguson, head of programming for Al-Jazeera English, explained the need for journalists to use a “moral compass” to separate their personal beliefs from a story. He employed this method when he explained his own personal opinions—not those of the company, he was sure to emphasize—on al-Jazeera breaking into America.

“I would much rather be the channel of resistance in the U.S.,” he said, referring to the role Youtube and the internet play in Americans accessing Al-Jazeera.

Ahmed Sheikh, the Editor-in-Chief of the Al-Jazeera Arabic, disagreed, describing the brand as “a spot of light in the middle of a very dark sea.”

He detailed his confusion over Al-Jazeera’s reputation as a pro-terrorist organization within the United States despite its popularity in Israel. Al-Jazeera English, Sheikh said, is a necessary tool to educate Americans on differing perceptions.

Still, some students challenged that the channels’ refusal to use the word “terrorist” for groups such as al-Qaeda or Hamas, but its continuing use of the word “martyr” for dead Palestinian soldiers shows a flaw in the networks’ coverage, and that that could indicate a pro-Palestinian bias to an American audience.

“Palestinians are much weaker and on the defensive,” Sheikh said. “They are on the defensive, and if anyone is under the impression that they are on the offensive, they have to do their homework,” he said.

A bit later, Sheikh added, “We do not take sides.”

Each official, however, acknowledged that al-Jazeera is still working on its formula and is constantly seeking to improve.

“We are not infallible,” Sheikh said. “We are human beings.”

American Express

By Stephen Dockery

When I arrived in the Middle East I had an initial feeling of humility that came from traveling in a country where I can't really speak the language and don’t know the culture. But after a while, I also noticed an opposite phenomenon. Unintentional and subtle, an air of arrogance hung around everywhere I went.

Getting past security at the front of the hotel? No big deal, just flash your white skin. Don’t know where you are? Speak English, and expect someone to understand you. Our group of men (the dorms are segregated) paraded into the Qatar University dorm without showing ID to the security guard. He just stood by helpless - his English wasn’t good enough to stop us, and I think he knew it.

The whole issue is made worse by the fact that our rights are protected far beyond that of an average Arab citizen (Egyptians on the trip had to hide their own nation's passports and produce their American passports to get any respect from the police or hotel security). The hotel security would toss you out of the hotel if you didn’t have a room there, or at least an American passport.

This could be the tourist feeling in any country, but its made worse by how strongly we stand out. The whole experience feels slightly superficial at times - you can walk around all you want, but you can't really know what it's like to be an Arab citizen even on the basic level of how people treat you.

The Big Metal Door


By Farah El Alfy
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

The big metal door closes behind us at midnight.

It’s Thursday night and we had an extension on our 10.30 curfew thanks to El Daktoora Sara our dear chaperon who told the supervisors we had a dinner we had to go to.

After a couple drinks around town, I'm starving. Sarah (the other one) and I go to sign-in, and ask the sweet woman at the desk if we can get anything to eat at this hour.

“Weren’t you guys at a dinner?” she asks naively.

“We were at the Indian, and we don’t eat that food,” I quickly say smoothly covering our tracks.

Sarah dwells in the lie, telling her how the food is way too spicy for her taste.

So yes, we can order chicken from a take-out place, but only tonight.

Sarah does the ordering as I laugh at her put-on khalidjy (Gulf) accent “dajaj.. dajaj…” (chicken)

We walk back to villa number 9, the house before last in the compound, change out of our dresses and high-heels, and walk back to the main building in more comfortable clothes to await our midnight snack.

We sit on the steps outside the main building, and the girl behind the desk comes out to sit with us. She’s Egyptian too, we realize. Shaimaa must be in her late 20’s, and has only lived in Doha for a few months. She wears a colorful scarf on her head, and has freckles on her nose.

The food comes, and the metal doors open once again - this time, only a tiny slit barely big enough for the food to pass through. The security guard brings it in for us.

Shaimaa smiles at us warmly and says, “I feel so safe here.”

At that point it hits me. This isn’t jail, or rehab. They are not out to get us, or trying to tear us away from the boys. They are simply trying to protect us, and keep us safe.

I’m not saying I’m going to stop complaining, but at least I get it now.

Perspectives

By Dave Botti
Photos by Jasmin Bauomy

As we continue this program past our second week, I've begun to recognize that perhaps the greatest lesson we're all learning here in that of perspectives. Coming to the Middle East I thought I'd had at least a decent understanding of how people from the region viewed themselves and the United States -- but, this understanding was far too simplified. The problem is when I try and start to think deeper about this idea, my thoughts quickly turn into a gridlock of conflicting emotions.

Take for example our visit to Al Jazeera's headquarters in Doha yesterday. Here we learned about their take on the use of the word "martyr." They spoke with near pride in telling us how these days the channel only applies the word to Palestinians who died as a result of violence with the Israelis. We also learned that "martyr" does not necessarily have to be used to describe a combatant. Al Jazeera staff killed while working in war zones are also considered martyrs.

Still, I'd venture to guess that for the average American the word martyr in the context of the Middle East, conjures up images of suicide bombers and masked men fighting in the streets of the West Bank. So, why does a news organization take no issue with using such (as many in our group called it) a "loaded word"? As far as I can gather it is because we have to understand how the Arab-Israeli conflict has affected the Arab world to it's deepest roots. This is something an American such as myself could never truly understand, or rather, feel.

The editor-in-chief of Al Jazeera Arabic took issue with the term "terrorist." He made the excellent point that we have no right to label a group this or that. We just call them what they are. As a journalist I agree with this. As an American this makes me incredibly angry. Walking out of Al Jazeera I wondered who gave him the right to use the word martyr to describe Palestinians fighting the Israelis, while we couldn't use the word terrorist to describe a group that killed over 2,000 people in downtown New York City. "Martyr" comes from the history of his people, and "terrorist" comes from the history of mine.

Yes, the word terrorist is overused, but in some cases I cannot help but feel it appropriate even though the journalist in me fights the use of this word.

The bottom line here is that there is still a lot to figure out. It is difficult to understand another perspective, respect it, and try to treat it with as much care as I would my own. It is difficult to fight a natural instinct to defend the perspective of my own country, even though the journalist in me still strives for middle ground.

The challenge here can be overwhelming at times, because it's far easier just to throw up our hands and criticize or hate. That seems to be what a lot of people do -- and, that's what results in a lot of the news that we all have to find a way to cover.

Thursday, June 12, 2008

Like Oil and Vinegar: Video Journalism and Egypt


By Carla Babb

Video journalism and the Egyptian police simply don’t mix. Sure, the government allows Egypt TV to work under close supervision and censorship, but good luck to anyone else wanting to carry a camera and tripod around the country. While in Cairo, I attempted to produce a video report on archeology and tourism, but the production process turned into an experience filled with threats, denials, and a little “red carpet” treatment all in the same day.

Saturday is normally a weekend, but for me it was a workday. Thanks to Zahi Hawass, the Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities in Egypt, I was given permission to shoot video at four major historical locations in Egypt: the Cairo Museum, the government dig locations behind Giza, the well-known Giza pyramids, and Sakara, home to the oldest step-pyramid in the world. But as I soon found out, “permission from authority” is relative in a police state.

I arrived at the Cairo Museum at 9am with three friends from our American University in Cairo journalism program. I entered the gates, camera and tripod in hand, ready to shoot footage and move on to the next site. I handed the policeman at the gate my permission letter with Hawass’ signature, but he told me I couldn’t film there because I needed yet another permission form. My friends and I waited and argued outside for more than an hour before they finally let us in the museum. When we finally went inside, we only had one hour to shoot all the footage before the museum security kicked us out.

My next stop was the Giza pyramids. I initially thought this would be the easiest place to carry around a camera since tourist carry cameras there all the time. However, a guard met us at the entrance and accompanied us the entire time I shot footage. When I interviewed tourists, the police kept a watchful eye on my every move. I also interviewed a merchant working at the pyramids, and that interview was the last straw for police. They encircled us during the interview and then followed me to the bus and spoke forcefully to me in Arabic. I couldn’t understand. My Arabic-speaking friend explained to me that they were giving me three choices: I could either erase the interview, give them my camera, or go to jail. Obviously, none of those choices were acceptable, but arguing did nothing. I took a deep breath, rewound my tape for about thirty seconds in front of the policeman, and recorded two minutes of black. What the policeman didn’t know was that the interview was in fact about six minutes further back on the tape instead of 30 seconds back. Fortunately, he didn’t check the tape to make sure I had erased it.

Behind schedule and exhausted, we headed for the digs. We made it to the entrance road and no farther. They refused to let us in the area despite our permission, and there was nothing any of us could say or do.

Finally, we headed to Sakara. The pyramid was like a mirage, with nothing nearby for what seemed like miles. In the far distance stalked the shadows of tall, modern buildings, but there everything was tranquil and ancient. The manager greeted us at the door, read our permission form and ushered us in with excitement. He took us to all of the “great filming spots” and allowed us in tombs other tourists could not enter. He bragged how he had just taken National Geographic cameramen around a few months before, and he said he loved when journalists did stories involving the great step pyramid and its surrounding tombs. Not a single policeman objected.

I couldn’t believe it. Was I in the same country? How could he be so helpful while everyone else was so restrictive? I came to the conclusion that even when I jumped through hoops for policemen and archeologists, access ultimately depended on their mood and sense of security. Al Jazeera English programming director Scott Ferguson told me his video journalists deal with this problem of access all the time in the Middle East. “It depends on their [the police officers’] moods, which ebb and flow at any given point of time,” he said.

Maybe the Egyptian policemen I met thought they would lose their jobs if I went into a restrictive dig site. In America, however, my experiences with authority and cameras have resulted in the opposite way of thinking. Authority figures in the states have often thought they might lose their jobs if they did not let me into a place in which I had permission to film. Free press often trumps restriction in the states, but I found that restriction rules the day in Egypt. So video journalists, be prepared to move mountains, turn water into wine and mix oil and vinegar when you come to this country.

Judge Not, Lest Ye Be Judged



By Shafique Jamal
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

Erica Barks-Ruggles has a difficult job. Ruggles, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Unites States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, led a policy discussion at the Brookings Doha Center on “The Future of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Rights in the Gulf.” During the discussion, she explained why the U.S. State Departments publishes the Report on Human Rights Practices and how the U.S. is working with GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) countries to improve human rights practices. The 2007 Report was release on March 11 of this year.

Giving the talk was the easy part; the tough part was facing questions from an audience which included ambassadors, journalists, and students from the American University of Cairo’s Journalism Bootcamp.

During her talk, Ruggles noted the universal right of people to speak their minds without fear and to select their own governments. After the talk, an audience member asked why the United States did not recognize Hamas, the Islamist movement fighting Israeli occupation in Palestine, even though it was democratically elected. Ruggles responded that Hamas took over the Gaza strip, and must renounce violence before the U.S. would engage with it. The questioner, an American citizen, pointed out that the U.S. refused to recognize Hamas even before it took over the Gaza strip. Ruggles did not address this point. Nor did she address the fact that the U.S. used violence to take over Iraq. Although, in her defense, this point was not raised.

Ruggles said that she was pleased that Al Jazeera, a satellite news station based in Doha, was broadcasting the discussion. She also emphasized that free and fair elections are one of the essential elements of any truly free country. This prompted one member to ask how the U.S. could advocate for a free press when it attacked, and made statements against Al Jazeera. The U.S. military had bombed Al-Jazeera offices in Afghanistan and Iraq; one of which left Al-Jazeera camerman Tarek Ayoub dead. Ruggles response was evasive and brief: she said that her statements thanking Al Jazeera for being there and her confidence that they will report responsibly “stand on their own.”

Later on, an audience member asked Ruggles why the U.S. held Sami Al-Hajj for “no reason” for several hears without trial before dropping him off in Khartoum, Sudan. The questioner emphasized the contradiction between the U.S. advocating for human rights and their practices that violate human rights. Al-Hajj is the Al-Jazeera cameraman who was arrested by Pakistani authorities near the border with Afghanistan and transferred to U.S. custody. The Sudanese government released him immediately upon arrival.

Ruggles responded that Al-Hajj was detained because of “his affiliation with dangerous terrorists and extremists,” saying it was right to detain him and release him. She added that his association with Al-Jazeera was irrelevant to his detention and release.

Presumably, if the U.S. government thought Al-Hajj was dangerous it would not have released him. If it had evidence of this, it would have charged him. Since it released him, it must be because it concluded that he was not dangerous, though one wonders why it took over six years for the government to come to this conclusion. Perhaps Guantanamo is a sort of Betty Ford Clinic for terrorists, and the U.S. is so confident in its treatment methods that it can be sure that Al-Hajj won’t fall off the wagon. Of course, if he’s not a terrorist in the first place, that would also explain him not falling off the wagon.

Ruggles was also asked how to reconcile the America’s advocacy of human rights and democracy with its support oppressive regimes. Her responses were both verbose and evasive. She also was asked about the U.S. government’s insistence on immunity for private security contractors in Iraq. She duly noted and apologized for U.S. rights abuses “by individuals” such as in Abu Ghraib and by private security contractors. She noted that the U.S. “free and independent media” has held the U.S. government accountable for these “mistakes,” forcing the prosecution of these cases.

So the Iraqi people should rely on the U.S. media, the same media that was complicit in selling the Iraq war to the American people on a number of false premises, to protect them from private security contractors. Ruggles should also explain why the U.S. government does not have faith in the democratically elected Iraqi government, which relies on U.S. support for its very existence, to protect the rights of American security contractors.

The audience also has a challenging task; at these events the audience should coordinate their questions, so that sharp follow-ups can be raised on the heels of evasive and insufficient answers. Ruggles’ job is already difficult; we might as well make it impossible.

Big Brother is Watching

By Sarah Wali

While everyone was out and partying in Cairo, I was adhering to my10:30 curfew. I got a lot of heat for not “taking a stand”. 'You’re 25,' my colleagues told me, 'you should be able to be out as long as you like.' However, I’ve made a choice, and I will continue to express my respect for those I live with by following the rules. Monday night though, there were no rules, and I saw late night Cairo for the first time.

It was about 12:30 AM when my friend Ahmed and I pulled up to the Cosmopolitan hotel in downtown Cairo where the American and Qatari students were staying. Three cops were standing outside the entrance to the ally where the hotel entrance is located. As one of them directed us to a parking spot on the street, four police vehicles flew by. I turned to Ahmed and asked if this was normal.

“You are in Egypt,” he said. “What did you expect?”

I don’t know what I expected. I had never been in downtown Cairo at such a late hour. I know that there is a strong police force, and that Egypt is under marshal law. Yet I had been in Cairo for a year, and prior to that had come to visit every summer. Egypt was amazing because it is so safe. You can be out until three in the morning without worrying. How it stayed so safe with so many disgruntled citizens never really crossed my mind. By the time we crossed the third checkpoint though, I started to get it.

The presence of the force, in and of itself, did not bother me. I got over that shock when we took a road trip to Sinai and were stopped at almost a dozen checkpoints. Rather, it was the efficiency of the police force. Anyone who has tried to get any official documents done in Egypt without a wasta (inside connection), knows that it could take hours at least, usually days. Yet these checkpoints were efficient, organized, and precise.

I would have liked to have stopped at one of them to talk to the officers, but I was told that would not be a good idea. I don't think they wouldn’t have talked to me anyway. I do know I felt like I was in a war zone. That danger was around every corner. Yet, I felt safe in an odd sort of way. Like Big Brother was watching. No one could hurt me, except the police.

Wednesday, June 11, 2008

Life Behind the Veil


By Jeanette Der Bedrosian
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

The girls left our villa in groups this morning, walking down the street filled with cookie cutter McMansion villas distinguished only by a small gold number next to each front door. Passing by the cafeteria house and the pool, we squinted our eyes and waded through the heat to approach the first villa.

It is at this villa that we have to tell a cluster of women where we are going, and get permission to leave. We sign out, initial our name, and receive a laminated “hall pass” of sorts to present to the guard. One woman, whose scarf rests around her neck rather than tightly around her hair, asks us if we want umbrellas to deal with the heat. We decline.

Before leaving, a woman asks us if we had all signed out and takes a head count.

The gates are at least ten feet high with sharp spokes sticking out as if to provide one last warning to any intruders. The guard sits resting at the window, waiting for women to hand him the pass before they are allowed to leave. He collects our passes and opens the gate just enough for us to slip through before pushing the button to slide it shut again.

We step on to the bus to the cheers of the men. We are out of supervision until we return tonight.

Monday, June 9, 2008

Egypt's Adaptive Band of Brothers


By Justin Martin
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

Directly in front of the headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s largest Islamic organization, a Playboy Bunny sticker adorns the back window of a townie’s dusty SUV. A young man walks by wearing a Stella T-shirt, publicizing his support for Egypt’s most popular homebrewed beer.

Inside the Muslim Brotherhood’s offices, some of Egypt’s most conservative opinion leaders greet us.

The Brotherhood straddles two worlds. One world is characterized by Egypt’s recent resurgence of religious conservatism, while the other world contains the realities of secularism in modern Cairo.

At a press conference inside the organization’s modern workspace, a Brotherhood spokesman delicately tries to stay vertical while straddling the two spheres, answering some tough questions. One reporter's question involves relationships between Muslims and Christians in Egypt. People of these two faiths, he responds, are “people of the book” and, therefore, should live in harmony. When asked a question about punishment for Muslim converts to Christianity, however, he stops far short of condemning retribution for Islamic renunciation.

Asked by another reporter to comment on a lack of gender parity in Egypt, he responds by saying that women and men are created equal and that gender inequality in Egypt is not as bad as some critics allege. He neglects to reveal, however, his opinion on women in societal leadership positions, particularly in the Islamic power structure that would exist if his organization gained control of the country.

Visiting the Muslim Brotherhood is to experience adaptation. Men in business suits sit in leatherback chairs in front of modern computers. Meetings are held in sleek conference rooms with abundant air conditioning.

When pressed about its contemporary policies, however, the Brotherhood is not quite as modern as its facilities, and the distance between the two worlds it bestrides becomes clearer.

Revolutionizing Objectivity


By Stephen Dockery

My partner Sarah Wali and I, as well as the whole Bootcamp group, sat down with around 10 of the top bloggers in Cairo this evening in Cafe Riche.

Partially to gain knowledge of the region, but more to help figure out our mess of a story on the Cairo police force. We picked the brains of Wael Abbas, Sandmonkey, Ahmed Naje, Ahmed Driny & others, and tried to at least get more context behind our story, if not another primary source.

Yet after talking for a half an hour, I found myself slipping, I was still asking the same style questions that I usually try to ask (neutral, unassuming) except when the blogger answered, I was no longer just writing down their answer and thinking of a follow up question. But I would throw in an occasional eye roll, or excessive head nod. I would add after an answer "that just doesn't make sense". Maybe it was the bloggers youth, or their passion for their cause. Either way I was editorializing my journalism.
From our initial lecture, I had gathered that journalism in the Arab world, particularly in Egypt, was much different from in the U.S. I often made the comparison that Arab journalism had much more in common with the Revolutionary war than current US journalism today. Maybe its a shallow comparison, but I think there is something to be said about the youthful nature of Arab journalism.

Either way, the neutral ground I had based my journalism on was slipping away. How had I become so politicized? Maybe you can't practice objective journalism in Egypt, can you really not choose sides when your dealing with police brutality and torture? A tortured father, a sodomized bus driver? Can you give the NDP a legitimate voice in your article, which all sources point to corruption and incompetence?

I'm still figuring it out, but I think there's something to carry over from my US journalism knowledge. There's something to learn from a not overly politicized class of journalism. I as a journalist just cant choose sides. I decided I will stop rolling my eyes and nodding my head. Even if somewhere in the the back of my mind I am.

Sunday, June 8, 2008

Police & Torture – A Trip to Alexandria (Pt 2)

By Stephen Dockery

Saturday was going to be a day off to write our story (Sarah Wali and myself) on the Egyptian police force. That was until we were invited to a government program on torture and the police force by a contact in the Ministry of the Interior.

The program was at the police head quarters in Alexandria. Which, according to my partner Sarah, is a trip that can be made from Cairo in an hour and a half. Our driver though, a professional soft-spoken man who had an uncanny resemblance to Gamal Abdel Nasser, insisted on driving a leisurely 100km/hr. It ended up taking three hours to arrive in Alexandria, although the slow speed and long hours amounted to some interesting discussion.

After getting to Alexandria, our driver had to ask four to five people before we could find the police headquarters. We were ‘welcomed’ by a man with an earpiece and a suit as well as several soldiers with automatic weapons, and made it past the front gate with a quick phone call to the Ministry

Arriving at the front door and unloading our equipment, we walked right into the building. I didn’t realize it until later, but there actually was no security check point to enter the luxurious police headquarters. Apparently, not many non-government people ever make it past the front gate.

Sarah and I stood apprehensively as we were told to wait on the second floor. Another well-dressed man joked that the word ‘journalist’ is like a swear word in the building. I smiled anxiously. After a few moments, we were ‘greeted’ by an official from the ministry. He didn’t look happy to see us.

A minute later, we were escorted into a large conference room filled with several hundred police officers and members of the ministry of interior. The officers included members of the regular police the special police and some other police forces that I didn’t recognize.

We were taken to a waiting room before the next speech. Several reporters from the local government papers sat around trays of cake and pastries. Everyone spoke Arabic, and I was definitely the only Caucasian person in the room, if not the building. A turtle swam frantically around in a fish tank, an unusual luxury in Egypt. Sarah thought the turtle was looking for a way out.

Sarah and I set up our cameras in the conference room, and began recording and taking notes. Part of the way into the meeting, we were asked to stop shooting, immediately. Maybe they had decided they actually didn’t want us to film a government meeting, although we had received clearance before. Or maybe they didn’t want us to record a former president from Alexandria University speaking at a torture seminar and only talking about international relations. At one point he essentially said to the officers, don’t worry about all these other nations, keep doing what you are doing.

When the former president was finished, we were escorted into the head of police’s office. They served us orange soda, and took our passports to make copies. Sarah left the room at one point to get her passport. All three officers in the room were speaking in Arabic on their headsets, I smiled and stared at the turtle.

Maybe we had something, a lecture to the police, supposedly to address issues of torture in Egypt, that ended up reinforcing whatever torture culture already exists. Maybe not, maybe this is a drop of water in a lake full of self-serving lectures. I still need more context.

Police & Torture – A Trip to Alexandria (Pt 1)

By Sarah Wali

Recently, a Cairo police officer was sentenced to 2 years in prison after videos of him torturing a prisoner came out on the internet.

The case brought to light the issue of police brutality in Egypt, and was covered by media around the world. Ever since then, the Egyptian Ministry of Interior has been under pressure to address the issue, and face up to its responsibilities as the employer of this country’s police officers.

The Minster of Interior, Habeeb Al-Adl, decided to hold a conference. Over the course of three days the soldiers are being lectured at under a banner reading: “Protecting Human Rights and Ensuring His Basic Rights.” Stephen and I were invited to attend the conference held Saturday June 7. We were told we would be able to film and record the lectures, and perhaps get a tour when we were done.

The camera was set up at the back of the room, with the aid of a very kind older police officer. We were expecting a lecture series with topics such as Human Rights: a Definition or Understanding Basic Rights. Yet the lectures we attended were a far cry from your average human rights conference.

They talked at the audience on a variety of issues such as history, economics, politics, international law and the media. Half the officers were asleep. The other half either stared blankly or attempted to look interested. The speakers used college level language, when most of their audience had never gone to high school.

I began to watch the men that had to endure this kind of speeches every day. I wondered what they were thinking, and if they digested exactly what was being said to them. So I decided to try to film them, as discreetly as possible. I took the camera off the tripod, and walked down the side ally. I tried to stand behind the government television guy, so that I would not be as noticeable. I got away with it for about 25 minutes.

I had put the camera back on the tripod when the second highest ranking officer approached me.

“Ms. Sarah, please no filming.”

I immediately shut the equipment off, after all our purposes were served better if we stayed. While I was apologizing to him, my phone rang. It was Hani Abdel-Wahab, the ministry’s PR rep, who had set up the meeting. He gave me the same message – no filming.

By now, they had, of course, begun the United States act of the show. The US was accused of violating human rights in Guantanamo Bay, and deliberately creating rifts within the Arab world. At this point, no one was even bothering to pretend like they were awake. Steven and I took a seat, and used a sound recorder to get the rest on audio.

As everyone piled out we were approached. Standard procedure, they wanted copies of our passports, which we gave them, and left. As we drove away I called Abdel Wahab, thanking him for the day.

He offered me a tour of the Cairo prisons, to see the pro-human rights plans in action. I hadn’t gotten a true sense of the plans, and accepted his invitation and will be going Monday.

Al-Azhar Cleric Addresses Controversy

By Lisa Munger
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

Bootcamp students saved the hottest topic for the end of a question and answer session Sunday with Abd El Faltah Allam, the First Deputy of Sheikh Muhammed Sayed Tantawi, and the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar mosque.

The reporters pressed Allam and Abdel Naby Farag, a prime minister under the Sheikh, to explain a controversial fatwa issued by the Sheikh earlier this year. The religious dictate suggested journalists might be flogged for disseminating information that ran counter to the Sheikh’s positions.

Speaking through a translator, Farag said: “These words were in a [regularly scheduled] speech by Sheikh Al-Azhar. It didn’t have anything to do with journalists – the speech said Islam was against the spreading of false rumors. Some writers misinterpreted the speech. He didn’t mention the word ‘journalist’ whatsoever.”

The Al-Azhar school teaches Islamic studies; the Sheikh is appointed by the leader of Egyptian government.

Allam agreed with his colleague’s assessment of the disagreement.

“The Koran says those who spread corruption will be tortured in this life, and in the next,” Allam said. “The people were very happy about the speech. Those who misunderstood it have bad intentions.”

Allam said the bootcamp journalists’ focus on the matter was unfounded.

“Have you ever heard of anyone being lashed in Egypt?” he said.

Several other issues surfaced during the session, including gender equity, Christian and Muslim relations.

One student asked whether there is equality in Islam between men and women.

Allam said it's incorrect to apply the term “equality” to gender equity in Islam.

“We don’t use equality as the word- there are natural physical differences for men and women,” said Allam. “Islam made men and women equal in worship; there is no difference concerning how they worship God.”

Allam said relations between Christians and Muslims are harmonious as well.

“In Islam, other groups have rights completely, even if they are the minority – Christians, Jews, everything – all society has rights,” he said.

Allam said Egyptian Christians and Egyptian Muslims have the same rights under the law and should be treated as such.

“Cooperation is everywhere – in the street, in the school, in neighborhoods. It’s a relationship of love.”

Friday, June 6, 2008

El Ghad Opposition Party Speaks to Bootcamp

By Dina Basiony

Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

Belal Diab’s words were strong, blunt and assertive. "We want Egypt to be a civil, secular society," he said. "Despite all the pressures imposed on us from the government and the religious groups, we will continue!" Diab is a 20-year-old literature student at Cairo University. He is also head of the students' committee in Egypt’s El Ghad or "Tomorrow" opposition party.

Diab, along with five other representatives from the party, met with Journalism Bootcamp students at the party’s offices in downtown Cairo.

El Ghad is a liberal, secular party, founded in 2003.

Wael Nawara, head of the party’s executive board, accused the Egyptian government of making things extremely difficult for El Ghad from the beginning – the party only managed to secure its official status after its application was denied five times on technicalities.

But the troubles didn’t end there. Ayman Nour, a member of the Egyptian parliament and a former journalist, was elected the president of the party. Three months after El Ghad became official, Nour was arrested on charges of forgery.

He was released after the party organized protests and sit-ins, but was rearrested and remains in prison.

Nour is well-known in Egypt for having run for the Egyptian presidency in the countrys’ first-ever multi-party elections in 2005. He came in second, with 12% of the votes. Nawara said the election was rife with irregularities such as ballot stuffing and intimidation of voters. “There were 600 complaints of irregularities,” he said. "[But]the government-appointed high committee for election denied the validity of the complaints."

Diab explained that decades of political oppression and ignorance of the basic concepts of citizens' rights and freedoms among most Egyptian youth are now beginning to have an effect - a generation of young people are angry, and eager to make a difference in their country.

"The insufficient, inefficient education system that the Egyptian government is overlooking constitutes a national security crisis," said Diab, a literature student at Cairo University." The failing education system produces a failing society."

Bootcamp students questioned Diab and Nawara on their party’s stance on environmental, economic and gender issues. Nawra responded bluntly to questions on policing and security measures in Egypt.

"[Egypt] has become the state of the police and the country of prisoners," he said. "Security should serve the people not the government."

When it comes to effecting change in Egyptian society and politics, Nawara acknowledged that his party is fighting an uphill battle. "We need patience, courage, and effective means to solve our problems…if this doesn't happen, the whole world will turn into third world countries, "he said.

Wednesday, June 4, 2008

Meeting Egypt’s Money Man

By Olfa Tantawi
Photo by Jasmin Bauomy

Facing a group of students from the Adham Center’s Middle East Journalism Boot Camp, Youssef Boutros-Ghali smiled and said that like all politicians, he would answer their questions with lots of meaningless statements that say nothing about the current state of affairs.

But, over the next hour, Egypt’s Minister of Finance did anything but that. Instead, Ghali unveiled a plan to control the massive corruption in subsidized bread distribution here in Egypt - doling out cash rather than bread. The plan will make use of electronic ATM smart cards. Every month, people will be able to withdraw an amount of money that equals the difference between the subsidized price and the actual price of bread which will be offered all over the country at real market price.

Ghali admitted that it was the middle class that was largely paying the bill for a recent pay raise for government employees. Government salaries went up by 30% after the bread strike in April 2008. The strike and riots were triggered mainly by soaring prices and severe shortages of subsidized bread.

Ghali said the wage increase would push up the fiscal budget deficit. So, he said he had to raise prices for many basic commodities and energy products such as gasoline. He defended this decision by noting that without the necessary resources to finance this wage increase, inflation would have been 3 times the cost of the raise. Ghali said he thinks that the increase in gasoline prices will mainly affect middle class car owners rather than low income earners.

Responding to a question about taxation, Ghali defended his policy. “If we start with the logic that we cannot tax the poor because they are poor, the middle class we cannot tax because they are nice, and the higher income we cannot tax because we cannot reach them, then… we do not have any money.”

Zahi Hawass Meets Adham Center Journalism Bootcamp Students

By Sarah Wali
Photos by Jasmin Bauomy & Ebony Williams

Egypt’s Secretary General of the Supreme Council for Antiquities, Dr. Zahi Hawass, showed his passion for antiquities, and disdain for tourists in an interview with the students of the Journalism Boot Camp on Monday.

Hawass is a world-renowned archeologist, and serves as the Director of Excavations at Giza, Saqqara and the Bahariya Oasis. His recent discoveries include the Valley of the Golden Mummies and tombs of the Govermor of Bahariya in the town of El-Batawi. He is also responsible for a conservation project at the Sphinx.

In a meeting in Hawass’ cavernous boardroom, and later, on a tour of his latest dig behind the Giza pyramids, the students were given a rare look into the recovery and preservation of ancient Egyptian treasures.

During the meeting, students asked questions ranging from the impact of pollution on historical sites to the possible threat of terrorism. Hawass, Egypt’s self-proclaimed Indiana Jones, focused his answers on the preservation. His plans included dislocating people living around historic sites, since they “can not be educated” on their importance.

Hawass also discussed the negative impact of tourism on preservation. He demanded an increase in tourism prices, which, he claimed would lower tourist numbers at historic sites, while improving the “kind of tourists” Egypt would get. Hawass argued that many tourists were actually hurting the sites, since there was little regulation around site preservation.

“Tourists are the enemy of archeology, because there is no communication between tourists and archeologists,” he said. “[Tourists] spend hours inside ancient buildings, and are often careless during their visits.”

Hawass also addressed the importance of promoting Egyptian involvement in preserving ancient sites. Through plans for a children’s museum and classes for adults he hopes to gain the Egyptian public’s interest in antiquities. Moreover, he said he has gained support from celebrities to help promote the importance of maintaining these ancient treasures.

Hawass then invited the students to visit his latest archeological dig near the great pyramids of Giza. There they were given a rare tour of his recently recovered Tombs of the Pyramid Builders, which date back to 7600 B.C.

“It was my dream to discover the tombs of the workmen who built the pyramids at Giza,” says Hawass on his website.

Students were amazed at the detailed hieroglyphs inscribed on the walls. Fears escalated as they neared a cursed tomb, and some refused to enter. Later, they looked on awe as another tomb was opened. There lay, in a fetal position, the skeletal remains of a man who had helped build the great pyramids.

Hawass said he’s trying to persuade museums and politicians around the world to return some of Egypt’s greatest treasures, such as the Rosetta Stone, that he says were stolen. Yet when asked about the poor conditions of the Egyptian Museum and thus the feasibility of bringing back these treasures, he only responded “I am working on that.”